What
Is the Point of My Libertarian Anarchism
by
Robert Higgs
BadQuaker.com
Recently by Robert Higgs: Why
Do So Many People Automatically and Angrily Condemn Historical Revisionism?
In college
in the 1960s I was not a political person. Although I took a keen
interest in politics, especially in the war that was raging in Vietnam,
I concentrated on my studies, earning a living, and chasing women.
After I began work as a professor, in 1968, I gravitated quickly
from my collegiate New Leftism toward classical liberalism. As I
learned more about Austrian economics, political economy, public
choice, and history, I became increasingly libertarian (minarchist
variety). My views continued to evolve, however, and by the time
the 21st century arrived, if not sooner, I had finally reached my
destination as a libertarian anarchist.
Although I
make no apology whatever for this ideological identity, I do not
share the seeming expectation of some of my fellow libertarian anarchists
that a revolution is now, or soon will be, occurring in the direction
of my preferred political ideals. Indeed, my expectation is, if
anything, the reverse: it seems to me much more likely that the
USA will continue to drift and lurch toward totalitarianism, though
this system will surely have a unique red, white, and blue coloration
to suit the American peoples history, culture, and tastes.
I do not expect a dictator with a funny little mustache and a horde
of brown-shirted thugs to take power after smashing heads in the
streets. I expect instead an elected dictator who looks like George
W. Bush or Barack Obama and a horde of police dressed in riot-suppression
gear to turn the trick, though most people will not need to have
their heads smashed and will go along gladly.
If I comprehend
the world in this way, what, some people wonder, am I doing by embracing
libertarian anarchism? Well, I am obviously not taking this position
in order to come out on the winning side. If that were my goal,
I would already have found a way to make myself useful in the military-industrial-congressional
complex. No, I have put myself where I am now somewhat as Martin
Luther did when he announced: Here I stand. I can do no other.
In my case,
this declaration means most of all that I am simply doing what seems
to me the decent thing; that taking any other ideological position
would entangle me in evils of which I want no part. Although I sincerely
believe that a stateless world would be better than the present
world in countless ways, such as better health, greater wealth,
and enhanced material well-being, I am not a libertarian anarchist
primarily on consequentialist grounds, but instead primarily because
I believe it is wrong for anyone including those designated
the rulers and their functionaries to engage in fraud, extortion,
robbery, torture, and murder. I do not believe that I have a defensible
right to engage in such acts; nor do I believe that I, or anyone
else, may delegate to government officials a just right to do what
it is wrong for me or you or anyone to do as a private
person.
Still, one
might ask, if I do not expect that my vision of a just world can
ever be realized, why do I persist in evaluating the events of the
nasty real world by the standards realizable only in
my ideal world? The answer is that everyone must have an ideal;
without one, there is no standard against which one may assess the
imperfect actions and events of the actual world. Without a standard,
one may only shrug his shoulders, like a character in an existentialist
novel, in nonchalant indifference to the political wickedness raging
on all sides. Just as a devout Christian seeks to live a Christ-like
life, knowing full well that no one can live up to the standard
set by Jesus, so I aim to live and to make my judgments of the events
I hear about in the light of the nonaggression axiom. The initiation
of violence or the threat of violence against innocent others is
wrong, regardless of the noble ends that one might cite to justify
such violence or threat. It is wrong for me, wrong for you, and
wrong for the president of the USA and his flunkies.
Like the Christian
who inevitably falls into sin, I may fall short of my ideal. I may
act or speak inconsistently with it. Many public issues are complicated,
and in regard to them I may fail to discern the best way to act
in accordance with my ideological ideal. If you let me know about
my inconsistency, I can attempt to set aside my pride, admit my
error, and correct it. As new issues arise, the task of sorting
out the best way to deal with the most pressing problems will present
itself repeatedly. Perhaps, like St. Paul in his letters to the
new churches of the ancient world, we can strive to instruct one
another in the most defensible understanding and practice of libertarian
anarchism. Merely shouting that the existing order is rotten, is
on the verge of collapse and, once it has collapsed, will be replaced
by libertarian anarchism, however, seems to me so hopelessly naïve
that I am inclined to urge my ideological comrades who do such shouting
to get a firmer grip on themselves. One needs to combine his moral
uprightness with a solidly founded understanding of the social,
political, and economic world and how it works. Otherwise, our statements
and actions become hopelessly quixotic.
I do not expect
to live to see a world that even approximates my ideal. In fact,
I greatly fear that I shall instead live long enough to see the
most obscene species of police state in the saddle in the USA after
all, there is now only a short distance to go to reach this horrible
destination, and many Americans seem eager to get to it as soon
as possible. Nevertheless, I am comfortable with my ideological
convictions. To have embraced anything else would have been a great
mistake for me. I took almost a lifetime to reach my current position;
I did not come to it lightly or without extended study and thought.
Of course, I may still be wrong in every regard; I am a human being,
and as such I am certainly subject to running off the moral and
intellectual rails. I do not propose to be paralyzed by this universal
human susceptibility to error, however. Feeling the need to take
a stand of some kind as a participant in the events of my time and
place, I have put myself firmly where I now stand. By the light
I have been given to see the right, I can do no other.
Reprinted
with permission from BadQuaker.com.
January
16, 2012
Robert
Higgs [send him mail] is
senior fellow in political economy at the Independent
Institute and editor of The
Independent Review. He
is also a columnist for LewRockwell.com. His
most recent book is Neither
Liberty Nor Safety: Fear, Ideology, and the Growth of Government.
He is also the author of Depression,
War, and Cold War: Studies in Political Economy, Resurgence
of the Warfare State: The Crisis Since 9/11 and Against
Leviathan: Government Power and a Free Society.
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